2026年教师资格证《高中英语》考前点题卷二

请阅读 Passage 1,完成下列小题。
Passage 1
For many people,there is a very well-established stereotype that the first-class American universities are simply the best. However,I am not quite convinced of that. When I look back at my academic formation in the USA and compare it to the academic formation some of my friends had at Brazil, I don't feel like I am more prepared than my peers. Thus, I am currently facing a dilemma of whether to pursue my graduate studiesin Brazil or in the USA.
The difference in our academic backgrounds, however, is the more liberal nature of American education.From my experience at Georgetown, and from what I know of American higher education, there are very few strict requirements imposed on students. Generally speaking, you are relatively free to take whichever classes you want, provided that they are under the scope of your major field of study.
To illustrate, I compared the master's degrees in economics from Duke and Fundacao GetulioVargas( FGV), a Brazilian university. I chose to present a master's degree comparison here because the shorttwo-year study period makes it simpler than comparing a four-year program. Duke's program works like this:you pick a field of study and then have a required number of courses that you have to take in certain areas.Most of the requirements are not course-specific, but area-specifiC.With some fields of study, you can skipcertain areas altogether. If you choose to get a master's degree in applied economic, for instance, you don't have to take any mathematics course. In FGV, all economics students need to take the same core structure:Microeconomics 1 through 4, Macroeconomics 1 through 3, Econometrics, Statistics 1 and 2, and Math for Economics 1 and 2. From then on, you can specialize in certain fields, and the elective structure seems to be the same as in Duke:you pick five electives from your main area of interest.
This seems to be the same kind of difference that I noticed comparing what I studied in Georgetown as an undergraduate to what some of my friends studied in their undergraduate careers in Brazil. Now, is this more liberal education good or bad? There are factors pulling it each way, and the ideal solution, in my view,is a reasonable middle ground.What I see happening in American universities, however, is a little too much liberalization. Too much liberty tends to encourage students to take the more\"interesting\"courses,and ignore those that are considered most\" boring\". The problem is that many of these \"boring\" courses are usually foundational courses, which give students the analytical tools they need in order to be truly competent in their fields of study.
In the end, I feel like American universities sometimes delegate too much responsibility to students interms of choosing their academic careers. For me, this is troubling. Students in their twenties usually havevery little experience in the field they are studying, and many times they don't really know the tools they need to succeed in their area of interest. It is certainly the case in my situation. Fortunately,I research and discuss a lot before picking my classes, and was able to take advantage of my liberal American education to build both a strong foundation and take classes that interest me. But is this always the case? From my experience,I think not. What I see happening at Georgetown is that many students just pick the classes they find mostinteresting, without any real consideration of how it is going to support their overall academic formation. This result is a deficit in fundamentals.

请阅读 Passage 2,完成下列小题。
Passage 2
Only two countries in the advanced world provide no guarantee for paid leave from work to care for anew born child.Last spring one of the two, Australia, gave up the dubious distinction by establishing paidfamily leave starting in 2011. I wasn't surprised when this didn't make the news here in the United States--we're now the only wealthy country without such a policy.
The United States does have one explicit family policy, the Family and Medical Leave Act, passed in1993. It entitles workers to as much as 12 weeks' unpaid leave for care of a newborn or dealing with a familymedical problem. Despite the modesty of the benefit, the Chamber of Commerce and other business groups fought it bitterly, describing it as \"government-run personnel management\" and a \"dangerous precedent\". Infact, every step of the way, as (usually) Democratic leaders have tried to introduce work-family balance measures into the law, business groups have been strongly opposed.
As Yale law professor Anne Alstott argues, justifying parental support depends on defining the family as a social good that, in some sense, society must pay for. In her book No Exit: What Parents Owe Their Children and What Society Owes Parents, she argues that parents are burdened in many ways in their lives:there is \"no exit\" when it comes to children. \"Society expects--and needs--parents to provide their children with continuity of care, meaning the intensive, intimate care that human beings need to develop their intellectual, emotional and moral capabilities. And society expects--and needs--parents to persist in their roles for 18 years, or longer if needed.\"
While most parents do this out of love, there are public penalties for not providing care. What parents do, in other words, is of deep concern to the state, for the obvious reason that caring for children is not only morally urgent but essential for the future of society. The state recognizes this in the large body of family laws that govern children's welfare, yet parents receive little help in meeting the life-changing obligations society imposes. To classify parenting as a personal choice for which there is no collective responsibility is not merely to ignore the social benefits of good parenting; really, it is to steal those benefits because they accrue to the whole of society as today's children become tomorrow's productive citizenry. In fact, by some estimates, the value of parental investments in children, investments of time and money ( including lost wages), is equal to20-30% of gross domestic product. If these investments generate huge social benefits--as they clearly do--the benefits of providing more social support for the family should be that much clearer.